Independents' Day: The Political Color Purple
by: Ernie Paicopolos
Over the last eight years, there's been a lot of talk about voters in blue (Democratic) states and red (Republican) states and their relative impact on the presidential election process. But increasingly it's voters with a blended, purple hue that have come to hold the real key to determining the occupant of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. These are the Independents-neither fully red nor fully blue. And while they have always been a force in presidential politics, their impact could be even bigger in 2008. Why? Because of their growing importance in key states and sharp volatility.
Independent voters will likely have a disproportionate impact in a handful of swing states like Colorado and New Hampshire. While Democrats and Republicans have shown predictable stability in their views, Independent voters have shown wild swings in sentiment over the long two year campaign season.
Since both major party candidates can reasonably lay claim to this critical constituency, tracking the attitudes of Independent voters becomes all the more interesting. Obama's early primary and caucus wins were heavily dependent on drawing new voters into the process, many without traditional partisan ties. McCain has built his resume on being the maverick who occasionally bucks his party line; a reputation that has always drawn independent support. More so than in most recent elections, these voters are truly up for grabs.
To underscore the volatility point, our latest polling data (from our late September poll) shows that Barack Obama was slightly ahead among unaligned voters-a dramatic shift from earlier in the month when John McCain held a 15-point edge. By contrast, Republican and Democrats have been holding fairly steady in their partisan support.
Exactly who are these voters who make up fully one-fifth of the voter population? While their demographic composition tends to vary from state to state, nationally they have a somewhat greater tendency to be:
- Male;
- Living in urban settings;
- Middle-aged; and
- Self-described political moderates
Of course, it's not just about who they are and how they stack up in the horse race. We also have to look at how Independent voters break on some of the major issues in the campaign. Both campaigns have tried to structure the race to match the narrative that benefits their candidate the most. As the race moves into the final weeks, it is interesting to see how both tickets try to capture the change mantle-Obama by continuing his campaign-long emphasis on this issue and McCain by using his running mate to bolster the perception that his is the reform team that can change Washington. Regardless of how the campaigns want to characterize the race, the mid-September crisis in the nation's financial markets, and the subsequent government relief efforts, pushed economic concerns to the top of the electoral ladder.
As important as issues are to the race, there are also subtle psychosocial elements that come into play when voters make their choice for president. When entering the voting booth, people carry with them an array of conscious and unconscious images about the candidates and the campaigns. Our late September poll asked voters some questions that try to serve as attitudinal placeholders for these underlying elements. For example, Americans like their presidents to be wise and expect them to offer sage advice on where the country should be heading. When we asked voters who they would trust on their own personal difficult life decisions, they were just about equally divided; and Independents, while slightly favoring Obama on this score, are much more indecisive about which candidate to seek advice from. Again, Democrats and Republicans are highly predictable in their views on this issue.
Trust is another critical factor in a person's calculation of who to vote for. If Americans detect any evidence that a candidate can't be taken at his or her word, it can effectively end their chances. Once again, overall attitudes on this score are just about evenly divided between Obama and McCain by a 5-point margin, Independent voters tend to trust Obama more. Perhaps more telling is the fact that nearly twice as many Independents are undecided on this score.
So, what does all this evidence suggest for the outcome of the November 4th election? A lot will have to do with how the narrative of the campaign plays out. If economic concerns (fueled by the crisis in the financial markets) dominate voters' minds, history tells us that the party out of power-in this case the Democrats-should hold an advantage among these swing Independent voters. If a national security crisis erupts, Republicans will gain some advantage among Independents. As the race stands in late September (when this newsletter went to press), economic concerns were clearly dominant. But if this race has shown us anything, it's that the conventional wisdom is neither conventional nor wise.
Traditionally, Independent voters are a little more likely than others to be swayed by the non-partisan psychosocial factors discussed earlier. If either of the candidates can capture those intangibles, it just might negate a seeming advantage on more substantive issues. Whatever happens on Election Day, it seems clear that the voters who sport the color purple are even more likely than usual to decide who will become the next president. As a consequence, the electoral map will be shaded a little differently.